It Is PossibleIt Is Possible
Is it possible? What has just been shown.
On 31 December 2025 I wrote that the López Obrador government was heading toward being accused of crimes against humanity.
They called me exaggerated. Offensive. Intellectually dishonest.
On 24 September 2026, the Human Rights Center at the University of California Berkeley School of Law published a dossier with 337 journalists and defenders murdered during his term. And it concluded that there are grounds for the International Criminal Court to open a preliminary examination for the crime against humanity of persecution.
The Hague is one path. But Washington punished that Court with sanctions. So the real question is another: what does the United States do with this dossier, when López Obrador already has another one open in Washington, on another front.
This is what I want you to understand.
Two dossiers on the same six-year term, across two jurisdictions, which until now no one had placed side by side. One tracks how those documenting power were hounded. The other traces where power's money came from.
This analysis is not paid for by a government, nor a party, nor an advertiser. It is paid for by those who read it. If you share it and funds are raised, you take forty percent.
This is how Berkeley's center describes an impunity rate it measured between 93 and 99 percent during the term: an absence of consequences so systematic it functioned as a message.
What follows places that figure alongside what I wrote in 2025, and alongside what Washington already has open on the same term.
No party says this. The Human Rights Center at one of the United States' most important law schools says it, with a public evidentiary platform.
The report is called Under Attack: Persecution of Journalists and Human Rights Defenders in Mexico. It covers from December 1, 2018 to September 30, 2024. The full term.
It documents 337 murdered victims: 78 journalists and 259 human rights defenders. The journalist figure exceeds what Article 19 had recorded, which counted 46 or 47 in the same period. It analyzes 75 case files of homicides, forced disappearances and serious physical violence. It reviews, with artificial intelligence support, 1,437 morning press conferences, and isolates 2,827 segments with stigmatizing language against the press: "prensa fifí", "chayoteros", "hampa del periodismo".
It measures impunity between 93 and 99 percent. And it documents Pegasus spying from the Defense Ministry, the first international client of NSO Group, despite López Obrador claiming for years that his government had ended spying.
Lindsay Freeman, who led the investigation, summed it up in one sentence: They were treated as enemies of the state for demanding accountability from power.
Precision is required, because precision alone prevents this issue from collapsing back into mere shouting.
Berkeley does not claim the International Criminal Court has opened a case. It does not claim a judge has issued an order.It states something more solid: the record contains the elements for the Court's Prosecutor to open a preliminary examination for the crime against humanity of persecution under article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute.
Persecution does not require every act to be murder. It requires severe deprivation of fundamental rights targeted at an identifiable group on political grounds as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. Life, integrity, privacy, freedom of expression. The harm is not measured in a single file. It is measured in the total.
I am not saying it now because the headline suits me. I wrote it when it was still more comfortable to call the comparison forbidden. Every citation leads to the original publication.
Read the original text on X →This text does not seek to convince the convinced or provoke the fanatics. It seeks to leave a record. Because history does not repeat its mistakes out of ignorance, but out of denial.
And when a society refuses to see the parallels, it usually discovers them too late, walking among the ruins it swore would never exist.
My aim is to show how, with different methods and in different centuries, but with structures fully aligned toward obtaining absolute political control, crimes against humanity are reached: some by using the State as a genocidal instrument, others by allowing the State to be bought by drug trafficking.
Modern authoritarianism does not always wear a military uniform; sometimes it disguises itself as "folklore" and "humanism" while handing the keys of the country to de facto powers.
The narcos operate exactly like the Nazis, already with concentration camps and crematoria just like Auschwitz, only in Mexico.See original post →
Facts by the narconazis.See original post →
Second concentration camp and crematorium ovens emerge in Reynosa. The very same Nazi system.View the original post →
Andrés Manuel López Obrador is not Hitler. But he grasped something the Nazi state learned very early: destroying the adversary within the law is more effective than doing so outside it. It generates no immediate martyrs and kills all dissent.View the original post →
Voices were not banned, the narco was used to kill them; journalists were not mass imprisoned, they were singled out from the morning press conference only to later turn up murdered; freedom of expression was not formally annulled, it was turned into the most dangerous, perilous and deadly sport.View the original post →
On December 31, 2025, I shared with you why the governments of López Obrador and Claudia Sheinbaum were heading toward being declared regimes that committed crimes against humanity. It was not exaggeration: it was prescribing what was evident would happen.View the original post →
The UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances warns about disappearances in Mexico as possible crime against humanity.View the original post →
March 2025. December 2025. April 2026. September 2026, Berkeley.
Whoever reads the report and then reads the December 31 paragraph is not facing a rhetorical coincidence. They are facing the same mechanism described in two languages: that of the political analyst and that of the international criminal lawyer.
Es Posible patrons read what comes next first: the full investigations, the complaints filed with United States authorities, and every microsite with its audio.
On December 31, 2025, I anticipated the first defensive reflex. I quote it in full because it is today's response:
No one here morally equates Hitler with López Obrador or trivializes the Holocaust. What is compared is not the final crime but the prior mechanism that makes it possible: the construction of the enemy, the annulment of the individual, propaganda as a substitute for truth and the normalization of violence as a political cost. History does not begin in Auschwitz; it begins much earlier, when society accepts that some lives are worth less than the project.
Berkeley works exactly on that prior mechanism. It does not need to prove extermination to activate the Rome Statute. It needs to prove a systematic attack, an identifiable group and a serious deprivation of rights.
This is how the two texts appear side by side:
"They were singled out from the morning press conference, and then turned up murdered."
2,827 stigmatizing segments in 1,437 morning press conferences. Journalists named and later harassed on social media.
"Voices were not banned; the cartels were used to kill them."
337 journalists and defenders murdered. Impunity from 93 to 99 percent.
"Destroying the adversary within the law is more effective than doing it outside the law."
Military espionage with Pegasus without judicial order while the president denied the spying.
The morning press conference was not a briefing. It was the act of identifying the target. The spyware was not intelligence. It was persecution. And impunity was not inefficiency. It was the message.
Whoever wields the charge of "banalizing the Holocaust" to dodge discussion of the numbers, the espionage, the impunity and the 337 names is doing exactly what I described: substituting truth for an absolute political narrative.
Berkeley focuses on the journalist who documented power. My 2025 thesis was broader, and I stand by it.
López Obrador did not create concentration camps. He created something different and no less devastating: he accepted, normalized and administered mass death as a political cost. Nazism used the state directly to kill. Obradorism ceded territorial control to organized crime. The function is identical: individual life loses value before the project.
I documented that second path in March 2025, when extermination centers and clandestine crematories appeared in Mexico, and I recorded it again in April 2026, when the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances warned about the disappearances as a possible crime against humanity.
They are two parallel tracks. One targets the journalist singled out in the morning press conference and spied on with Pegasus. The other targets the people handed over to crime. Berkeley has just formalized the first. The second remains open, and not for lack of dead.
While Berkeley was assembling the human rights file, in the United States another was accumulating on the same six-year term. No one had put them together. Every person mentioned retains full presumption of innocence.
ProPublica documented that the DEA investigated for eighteen months accusations that traffickers channeled nearly two million dollars to operators of his first presidential campaign. The Department of Justice closed the case in 2011 without concluding it. López Obrador always denied having received money.
The New York Times reported in February 2024 a U.S. investigation into allegations that associates received drug-trafficker funds before the 2018 election and during his presidency. The probe was shelved. He branded it false and the White House stated there was no investigation of the president.
His son confirmed on 13 August 2026, in a letter to Donald Trump, that the United States revoked his visa. He maintained that no evidence of illegal conduct was presented.
In April 2026, U.S. federal agents raided Ikon offices in Houston, tied in press reports to the circle of operator Amílcar Olán, whom the Fiscalía General de la República is investigating as confirmed by President Sheinbaum herself.
His interior secretary. El Informador and Eje Central reported on 9 June 2026 the revocation of his U.S. visa; his circle rejected it.
Alex Saab pleaded guilty on 15 September 2026 in Miami and is cooperating with the Department of Justice. He moved sixty-four million dollars through eight Mexican companies during the López Obrador term. His deal bars him from shielding anyone with false information.
On the same 15 September, the White House demanded Mexico expose, arrest and prosecute the numerous corrupt officials who have aided and enabled the cartels.
Place the two files side by side and one question emerges: what happens when the persecution documented by Berkeley and the money tracked by Washington turn out to belong to the same term, the same circle and the same power.
No one has asked that question. Until today.
This is the vein no one has seen. And it is the one that turns an academic report into a weapon.
In February 2025, President Trump signed Executive Order 14203, which imposes sanctions on the International Criminal Court. The Hague route exists, but Washington will not push it.
What almost no one knows is that the United States already holds its own tools for exactly the conduct Berkeley documented. And none of them depend on The Hague:
It lets the Treasury designate foreign persons responsible for or complicit in serious human rights abuses and corruption. It freezes assets and shuts them out of the dollar financial system. No trial required, no court, no permission from Mexico.
It lets the State Department publicly bar entry to foreign officials involved in serious human rights violations, and to their immediate family. The same tool already used for corruption.
NSO Group, the firm that sold Pegasus to the Secretaría de la Defensa, has been on the Department of Commerce Entity List since November 2021 for acting against U.S. national security and foreign policy. The instrument of persecution is already sanctioned in Washington.
Here is the vein. Berkeley built the proof. U.S. law already has the channel. A public evidentiary platform with 75 case files, verifiable figures, and the chain of command from the mañanera is exactly the material presented to Treasury and State.
And here the two columns from the prior chapter intersect. Global Magnitsky covers human rights abuses and corruption under the same order. The persecution file and the money file fit in the same submission.
That does not mean Washington will act. It means that, for the first time, someone can demand action with both proofs together.
An academic report is not a ruling from The Hague. The Court's Prosecutor would have to decide whether to open a preliminary examination. That does not weaken the facts. It weakens the political architecture that should judge them.
The Berkeley file targets journalists and defenders. Mass death by omission and the disappearances are another avenue, equally grave, that remains open.
Whoever uses that accusation to avoid discussing figures, espionage, impunity and 337 names is substituting truth for an absolute political narrative.
What Berkeley does confirm is that the 2025 thesis can no longer be dismissed as "exaggeration", "offense" or "intellectual dishonesty".
Those were the three adjectives I myself placed in the first line of that text, to disarm them before they arrived. Today there is no need to disarm them. A law school disarmed them.
On December 31, 2025 I wrote that that text was not seeking likes. It sought to place on record. And I closed with a phrase that today reads differently:
And when a society refuses to see the parallels, it usually discovers them too late, walking among the ruins it swore would never exist.
The ruins were already there. All that was missing was the legal language to name them so power could not pretend it was mere metaphor.
Berkeley just lent that language. Washington holds the law to wield it. And this very six-year term already has the money docket open in the same capital.
I only remember the date when I wrote it.